d  d        Rawman the puppet that's a critic, not a critic that's a puppet                                    .© 2003 Charles Mingus III AKA ED

By Tim Wise Ask a fish what water is and you'll get no answer. Even if fish were capable of speech, they would likely have no explanation for the element they swim in every minute of every day of their lives. Water simply is. Fish take it for granted. So too with this thing we hear so much about, "racial preference." While many whites seem to think the notion originated with affirmative action programs, intended to expand opportunities for historically marginalized people of color, racial preference has actually had a long and very white history. Affirmative action for whites was embodied in the abolition of European indentured servitude, which left black (and occasionally indigenous) slaves as the only unfree labor in the colonies that would become the U.S. Affirmative action for whites was the essence of the 1790 Naturalization Act, which allowed virtually any European immigrant to become a full citizen, even while blacks, Asians and American Indians could not. Affirmative action for whites was the guiding principle of segregation, Asian exclusion laws, and the theft of half of Mexico for the fulfillment of Manifest Destiny. In recent history, affirmative action for whites motivated racially restrictive housing policies that helped 15 million white families procure homes with FHA loans from the 1930s to the '60s, while people of color were mostly excluded from the same programs. In other words, it is hardly an exaggeration to say that white America is the biggest collective recipient of racial preference in the history of the cosmos. It has skewed our laws, shaped our public policy and helped create the glaring inequalities with which we still live. White families, on average, have a net worth that is 11 times the net worth of black families, according to a recent study; and this gap remains substantial even when only comparing families of like size, composition, education and income status. A full-time black male worker in 2003 makes less in real dollar terms than similar white men were earning in 1967. Such realities are not merely indicative of the disadvantages faced by blacks, but indeed are evidence of the preferences afforded whites - a demarcation of privilege that is the necessary flipside of discrimination. Indeed, the value of preferences to whites over the years is so enormous that the current baby-boomer generation of whites is currently in the process of inheriting between $7-10 trillion in assets from their parents and grandparents - property handed down by those who were able to accumulate assets at a time when people of color by and large could not. To place this in the proper perspective, we should note that this amount of money is more than all the outstanding mortgage debt, all the credit card debt, all the savings account assets, all the money in IRAs and 401k retirement plans, all the annual profits for U.S. manufacturers, and our entire merchandise trade deficit combined. Yet few whites have ever thought of our position as resulting from racial preferences. Indeed, we pride ourselves on our hard work  and ambition, as if somehow we invented the concepts. As if we have worked harder than the folks who were forced to pick cotton and build levies for free; harder than the Latino immigrants  who spend 10 hours a day in fields picking strawberries or tomatoes; harder than the (mostly) women of color who clean hotel rooms or change bedpans in hospitals, or the (mostly) men of color who collect our garbage. We strike the pose of self-sufficiency while ignoring the advantages we have been afforded in every realm of activity: housing, education, employment, criminal justice, politics, banking and business. We ignore the fact that at almost every turn, our hard work has been met with access to an opportunity structure denied to millions of others. Privilege,  to us, is like water to the fish: invisible precisely because we cannot imagine life without it. It is that context that best explains the duplicity of the President's recent criticisms of affirmative action at the University of Michigan. President Bush, himself a lifelong recipient of affirmative action - the kind set aside for the mediocre rich - recently proclaimed that the school's policies were examples of unfair racial preference. Yet in doing so he not only showed a profound ignorance of the Michigan policy, but made clear the inability of yet another white person to grasp the magnitude of white privilege still in operation. The President attacked Michigan's policy of awarding 20 points (on a 150-point evaluation scale) to undergraduate applicants  who are members of underrepresented minorities (which at U of M means blacks, Latinos and American Indians). To many whites such a "preference" is blatantly discriminatory. Bush failed to mention that greater numbers of points are  awarded for other things that amount to preferences for whites to the exclusion of people of color. For example, Michigan awards 20 points to any student from a  low-income background, regardless of race. Since these points cannot be combined with those for minority status (in other  words poor blacks don't get 40 points), in effect this is a preference for poor whites. Then Michigan awards 16 points to students who hail from the Upper Peninsula of the state: a rural, largely isolated, and almost completely white area. Of course both preferences are fair, based as they are on the recognition that economic status and even geography (as with race) can have a profound effect on the quality of K-12 schooling that one receives, and that no one should be punished for things that are beyond their control.  But note that such preferences - though disproportionately awarded to whites - remain uncriticized, while preferences for people of color become the target for reactionary anger. Once again, white preference remains hidden because it is more subtle, more ingrained, and isn't called white preference, even if that's the effect. But that's not all. Ten points are awarded to students who attended top-notch high schools, and another eight points are given to students  who took an especially demanding AP and honors curriculum. As with points for those from the Upper Peninsula, these preferences may be race-neutral in theory, but in practice they are anything but. Because of intense racial isolation (and Michigan's schools are the most segregated in America for blacks, according to research by the Harvard Civil Rights Project), students of color will rarely attend the  "best" schools, and on average, schools serving mostly black and Latino students offer only a third as many AP and honors courses as schools serving mostly whites. So even truly talented students of color will be unable to access those extra points simply because of where they live, their economic status and ultimately their race, which is intertwined with both. Four more points are awarded to students who have a parent who attended the U of M: a kind of affirmative action with which the President is intimately familiar, and which almost exclusively goes  to whites. Ironically, while alumni preference could work toward the interest of diversity if combined with aggressive race-based affirmative action (by creating a larger number of black and brown alums), the rollback of the latter, combined with the almost guaranteed retention of the  former, will only further perpetuate white preference. So the U of M offers 20 "extra" points to the typical black, Latino or indigenous applicant, while offering various combinations worth up to  58 extra points for students who will almost all be white. But while the first of these are seen as examples of racial preferences, the second are not,hidden as they are behind the structure of social inequities that  limit where people live, where they go to school, and the kinds of opportunities they have been afforded. White preferences, the result of the normal workings of a racist society, can remain out of sight and out of mind,while the power of the state is turned against the paltry preferences meant to offset them. Very telling is the oft-heard comment by whites, "If I had only been black I would have gotten into  my first-choice college." Such a statement not only ignores the fact that whites are more likely than members of any other group - even with affirmative action in place - to get into their first-choice school, but it also presumes, as anti-racist activist Paul Marcus explains, "that if these whites were black, everything else about their life would have remained the same." In other words, that it would have made no negative difference as to where they went to school, what their family income was, or anything else. The ability to believe that being black would have made no difference  (other than a beneficial one when it came time for college), and that being white has itself: the privilege that allows one to not have to think about race on a daily basis; to not have one's intelligence questioned by best- selling books; to not have to worry about being viewed as a "out of place" when driving,shopping, buying a  home,or for that matter, attending the University of Michigan. So long as those privileges remain firmly in place and the preferential treatment that flows from those privileges continues to work to the benefit of whites, all talk of ending affirmative action is not only premature but a slap in the face to those who have fought, and died, for equal opportunity. Tim Wise:is an antiracist activist, essayist and lecturer.  Send email to mailto: timjwise@m

10 Greatest Lies About Black History 1. The Tale Of Tarzan - This is the belief that African people were totally uncivilized until whites came in and conquered them. False. 2. Free Whites, Black Slaves - 20 Africans landed at Jamestown, Virginia, in August 1619, a year before the arrival of the Mayflower. They were free. When the pilgrims arrived, they came with indentured servants, i.e. white slaves. Some of the first whites were slaves. ( 60 % died each year of poor treatment. Visit Plymouth Plantation on the web. John Smith Makes Saddam Husane look like Walt Disney. ED.) 3. The Immaculate White Creation - The belief that America was the exclusive creation of Europeans. Africans were actually the first explorers of America. When the first Spanish and French explorers entered America, they noted that Africans were living among the Indians. 4. Sambo in Wonderland - Although the shiftless shuck and jive Sambo image has been exploited, most slaves responded to slavery with tremendous resistance, often resorting to the ultimate rebellion suicide. 5. The Great Emancipator - The Emancipation Proclamation did not free the slaves, nor was it intended to. That document was written in a way that it left 95% of the slaves in bondage. Our people were actually freed by the Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution, which was ratified on December18,1865. 6. The Black Family Myth - Believe it or not, according to plantation  records, most blacks during slavery grew up with a mother and a father. In fact, all the way through Jim Crow, census reports show the black family was every bit as stable as those in White America. This dispels the myth that the majority of our people came from families ripped apart  by slavery. 7. The Missing Economic Gene - There is an overwhelming belief that there is no black business tradition. By the American Revolution, there were scores of prominent Black business leaders, including Samuel Fraunces, owner of New York' s Fraunces's Tavern, the favorite watering  hole of George Washington, and James Forten, who employed 40 workers,  Black and White, in his Philadelphia sail factory. 8. Fairy tale of White Generosity - The majority of black slaves reached freedom because of internal giving within the race, not white generosity.  By 1831 there were more than 43 Black benevolent or mutual aid societies in Philadelphia alone, runned by free blacks. [ The  first Orphanages and Public Schools in America were created by black salves or freed men in NYC the heat of slavery, The origin of slavery was in the Dutch Colonies of the North Not the Plantations of the south. It was slaves who built 5 Th Ave cobble stone by cobble stone (from the  mountain of Granite that was once where N.Y.C.'s Central Park is today )to the Battery & 2 Freed men lived in 4 Corners and built all  3 of Little Italy's 3 Churches .ED.] 9. Crabs in a Barrel - We have been generalized as a people who continually try to pull each other down. False. In every era of our history, you'll see prominent black leaders and businessmen who had full support of the people. 10. Myth of the Absent Black Worker - We have been labeled as a lazy  people. However, the wealth of this country was founded on what Abraham Lincoln called "the 250 years of unrequited toil" of Black men and women. Paraphrased from: Bennett, Lerone Jr, 10 biggest lies about black history. , Ebony, 05-01-2001, pp 86.  Posted by hardCore at September 10, 2002 12:59 PM Comments Thanks very much for the insight. It's good to be reminded who and  what we are surrounded by. Posted by: Shelena [e] on  September 11, 2002 01:08 PM Thank you so much for writing about this. I take an AP History course and all  we do is study about Americans and their settlement in America. Contrary to popular belief even the founding fathers were maliscious people  (note the sons of liberty). But as a Hawaiian/Black I tremendously appreciate  the brief history you have shared. And as a comment to #10 I agree with you completely, how could Africans be lazy people? Who would want a lazy slave? Posted by: Siris [e] on September 10, 2002 11:20 PM There is a great book that expansively dispels the myth about the Black family. It is titled "The Black Family in Slavery and Freedom 1750 - 1925"  by Herbert Gutman Thought 4 The Day: 10 greatest lies about black history http://www.elementid.com/thought/archives/000101.htm